A Republican’s Perspective on the 2024 Election: Trump is an Existential Threat to American Democracy
Columnist Jeb Allen ’27 argues that Trump’s authoritarianism threatens American democracy.
This piece is part of a series of articles produced in a special topics class taught by Professor of Law, Jurisprudence, and Social Thought Lawrence Douglas on the upcoming election. Articles may have been reviewed by Douglas as well as other members of the class prior to submission to The Student.
There are two living former Republican Vice Presidents: Dick Cheney and Mike Pence. While Trump’s former Vice President refuses to endorse him, claiming, “anyone who puts himself over the Constitution should never be president,” Cheney has even harsher criticism. He asserted, “in our nation’s 248-year history, there has never been an individual who is a greater threat to our republic than Donald Trump.” If it were only Democrats warning that Trump was a threat to democracy, perhaps I would not take it as seriously. However, the bipartisan condemnation, including his own former Vice President and cabinet members, has led me to believe that if Trump is elected, we absolutely run the risk of backsliding into an authoritarian regime.
The fundamental pillars of any democracy are free and fair elections, peaceful transitions of power, and constitutional limits. Trump has disgraced all three. After losing the 2020 election, Trump threatened Georgia’s Republican Secretary of State with a criminal offense unless he “found” enough votes to flip the state red. When he refused to comply, realizing that state-level Republicans might not go along with his plan, Trump turned to Pence to reject the results at a national level. Pence, too, refused. Understanding that Republicans were not going to ruin their careers to entertain Trump’s delusions, he turned to the only person he could trust: himself. When Congress prepared to confirm the 2020 election results, Trump held a rally, lying to attendees that he had won by a “landslide” and provoking them to “stop the steal.” His lawyer, Rudy Guiliani, urged supporters to engage in “trial by combat,” as he added on, warning them “if you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.”
The result was a violent attack on the U.S. Capitol, which injured 174 police officers, and caused $2.7 million in damage. During the insurrection, rioters chanted “hang Mike Pence,” at which Trump’s chief of staff at the time, Mark Meadows, told others that Trump expressed support for hanging his Vice President. When Trump was told that the mob had breached the Capitol and his Vice President's life was in danger, he reportedly responded, “so what.” Let that sink in. The President of the United States incited a violent mob to storm the Capitol in an attempt to stop the legal certification of the 2020 election to remain in power. When informed that his own Vice President’s life was in danger, his response was “so what.” Since then, Trump has described the Jan. 6 rioters as “unbelievable patriots” and promised to pardon them during his first day in office. Whether or not the attempt to overturn the election succeeded, the mere fact that Trump attempted it should terrify every American.
Trump has defended himself by pointing to his statement urging supporters to protest “peacefully and patriotically,” but this single remark does not negate the inflammatory rhetoric he used to provoke his supporters, nor does it erase the fact that he refused to mobilize the National Guard for over two hours after the attack began.
Following the failed insurrection, Trump’s efforts to overturn the 2020 election continued. He claimed that the “massive fraud” justified terminating parts of the U.S. Constitution and filed 62 lawsuits contesting the results. However, none of these lawsuits produced evidence, with some even being dismissed by judges he had appointed. Despite occasional admissions, like telling Lex Fridman that he “lost [2020] by a whisker,” Trump continues to campaign on the premise that the 2020 election was fraudulent and promises to give “long-term prison sentences” to the “Lawyers, Political Operatives, Donors, Illegal Voters, & Corrupt Election Officials” involved in the supposed 2020 election fraud if re-elected. If elected, this could quite literally mean anyone he wants to target, considering there was no widespread election fraud. While his disregard for democratic institutions has already undermined public trust in our electoral process, his promises for a second term are even more alarming.
Despite sharing posts on Truth Social suggesting that Obama, Clinton, and Biden should be jailed for treason, Trump argued in an attempt to dismiss his lawsuit that a president requires “complete and total immunity,” even for actions that “cross the line.” When asked by Sean Hannity whether he would use the justice system to target his political enemies, Trump stated he “would have every right to” and added, “it’s very possible that it’s going to have to happen.” Specifically regarding Biden, Trump claimed he would “pay a big price” for “weaponizing” the legal system against him. When Hannity tried to clarify, asking if Trump would never use power as retribution, Trump responded, “Except for day one.” Hannity pressed further, asking, “You’re not going to be a dictator, are you?” Trump replied, “No, no, no, other than day one. We’re closing the border, and we’re drilling, drilling, drilling. After that, I’m not a dictator.” While many Republicans have downplayed Trump’s interview as emphasizing his commitment to border security and energy independence, the notion that a former President of the U.S. doesn’t fully understand what it means to be a dictator is ridiculous. Even if one argues that his words are being taken out of context, the fact that his answer to a question like “Do you want to be a dictator?” isn’t a clear and absolute “no” is deeply troubling for someone seeking the presidency.
In addition to flirting with authoritarian power, Trump has demonstrated or promised to implement various authoritarian tactics. He routinely labels any media outlet critical of him as “fake news,” and pledged to deport any student who protests against Israel. Trump has vowed to militarize the police to carry out what he called the “largest deportation operation in America’s history,” warning that “getting them out will be a bloody story.” He also plans to grant police national immunity from prosecution, and once claimed that our nation’s crime problem could be solved with “one very violent day,” suggesting a brutal crackdown on those he views as responsible — most likely immigrants, given his history of referring to undocumented immigrants as “animals,” “sub-human,” and asserting that undocumented immigrants are predisposed to crime because it’s “in their genes.”
When asked about the threat of “outside agitators” disrupting Election Day during a Fox News interview, he asserted that the bigger enemy is the “enemy from within.” Trump asserted, “We have some very bad people. We have some sick people, radical left lunatics. And I think they’re the big — and it should be very easily handled by, if necessary, by the National Guard, or if really necessary, by the military, because they can’t let that happen.” Yes, Trump is suggesting that the U.S. military be deployed against American citizens.
John Kelly, Trump’s former chief of staff and homeland security secretary, described Trump as “a person who admires autocrats and murderous dictators, and has nothing but contempt for our democratic institutions, our Constitution, and the rule of law.” This view is reinforced by Trump’s own words. He once stated that “Hitler did a lot of good things” and complained to his chief of staff that his generals weren’t “totally loyal” like “the German generals in World War II.” He even suggested that General Mark Milley, the former highest-ranking military officer whom Trump appointed but later criticized Trump as “fascist to the core,” was deserving of being put to death for a call Milley made to reassure China that no attack was imminent.
Trump has praised North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un, claiming, “we fell in love,” and admiring Kim’s “great and beautiful vision” for North Korea. Similarly, Trump praised Putin’s leadership, remarking that “The man has very strong control over a country. Now, it’s a very different system, and I don’t happen to like the system, but certainly in that system, he’s been a leader. Far more than our president has been a leader.”
This admiration for strongman leadership has led former cabinet members like Mark Esper, Trump’s former U.S. Secretary of Defense, to describe Trump as “threat to democracy.” It’s no surprise, then, that Putin is “supporting” Kamala Harris in this election — a move aimed at misleading voters into thinking Russia wants her to win, pushing them toward Trump. Unsurprisingly, Trump was revealed to have made as many as seven secret phone calls with Putin since leaving office in 2020. To me, this covert relationship could clearly be influencing his policies, such as allowing Putin to “do whatever the hell they want” to NATO countries that don't meet spending requirements, encouraging Republican legislators to deny Ukraine funding, and refusing to say he wants Ukraine to win the Russian-Ukrainian war. At the same time, Trump’s secret ties to Russia seem to align with recent actions by Republican lawmakers and media figures who have been spreading anti-Ukraine rhetoric. The DOJ recently uncovered that the Russian government has been funding right-wing media personalities like Tim Pool and Benny Johnson, who have contributed to polarizing American politics and undermining trust in our democratic institutions. Russia’s efforts have turned many Republican lawmakers and media figures into useful idiots, deepening divisions within the U.S. and weakening its democratic system.
The most extreme step of authoritarianism, which many dictators avoid but Trump has embraced, is claiming divine support. After surviving a failed assassination attempt, Trump remarked, “It was God alone who prevented the unthinkable from happening,” suggesting that divine intervention saved him to save the country. If surviving assassination attempts is proof of divine favor, then by that logic, figures like Hitler, who survived 42 assassination plots, and Fidel Castro, who survived 634, would also have such favor. Furthermore, Trump once claimed that he would win California if “Jesus counted the votes,” revealing a messianic complex that should raise alarms for anyone concerned with the integrity of democratic governance.
Americans have become so desensitized to Trump's rhetoric that alarming comments, like him saying “it depends” when asked if there will be political violence after the 2024 election, or state senators at J.D. Vance rallies claiming that if Trump doesn’t win, “it’s going to take a civil war to save the country,” barely make headlines anymore. Before the 2020 election, Trump declared, “We are going to win four more years. And then after that, we’ll go for another four years because they spied on my campaign. We should get a redo of four years.” He floated the same idea again in 2024, suggesting at an NRA convention that he might be seen as a three-term president. Later that year, at a Christian conference, he told his audience, “Christians, get out and vote, just this time. You won’t have to do it anymore. Four more years, you know what, it will be fixed, it will be fine, you won’t have to vote anymore, my beautiful Christians.” This statement can be interpreted in two ways: either that elections will no longer be necessary or that he's telling a key Republican voting bloc that their role in voting will be obsolete after his time in office. As a Republican, either interpretation signals to me that Trump cares little about the future of the Republican Party or the nation itself.
If you’re a Republican who doesn’t believe Trump is undermining our democracy but you think there was any suspicious activity surrounding the 2020 election, you are already part of the problem he has created. Despite Fox News being sued for $787 million and Trump losing all 62 of his election fraud court cases — some even thrown out by judges he appointed — doubt in our democratic elections still runs deep within the Republican Party. Recent surveys show that 46 percent of Republicans wouldn’t consider the 2024 election legitimate if Kamala Harris wins, and 14 percent would take action to overturn the process if Trump loses. When Trump repeatedly says things like, “The only way we’re going to lose this election is if the election is rigged,” it convinces his supporters that elections are fraudulent and leads them to trust one man over the entire government. Now, surveys show that 67 percent of Republicans trust Trump but only 51 percent trust our electoral system. Trump has successfully positioned himself as more credible than our electoral process within one of our two major political parties, which is a terrifying reality for any democracy. By refusing to admit he lost, Trump has eroded the nation’s trust in democracy, and as Mitt Romney warned, a second Trump presidency could make this national distrust “incurable.”
Many Republicans ask, “If Trump is an authoritarian, why didn't he reveal so during his first term?” He did. Trump attempted to subvert the will of the people and block the legal certification of the 2020 election results. Trump’s attempts were stopped by Pence, who he has since replaced with Vance, who denies that Biden won the 2020 election and said he would not have certified the 2020 election results. Trump’s second presidency would be an unchecked nightmare, as he has replaced all competent and principled Republicans in his cabinet with loyalists who will feed his delusions.
Furthermore, the Supreme Court recently ruled that U.S. presidents can’t be held criminally accountable for “official” actions as President. If you are wondering how far Trump is willing to go, Trump’s legal team argued that directing SEAL Team Six to kill a political opponent would be barred from prosecution given a former executive’s broad immunity. This sounds insane because it is insane. The recent Supreme Court decision would give Trump the newfound unchecked power our founding fathers attempted to prevent, and Trump might be the last person I trust to restrain himself to not abuse this power.
America was built on the premise that we needed checks and balances to prevent individuals of Trump’s manner from power. However, Trump is promising to destroy those very checks and balances and floating out insanely dangerous possibilities. Trump’s rhetoric is beyond unacceptable for a U.S. president and feeding the fire of his disgruntled supporters seeking revenge for their life’s troubles. If you doubt the danger of Trump’s rhetoric, take Jan. 6 as an example. Even if you don’t believe Trump meant for Jan. 6 to happen, to which I would disagree, the riot was a perfect example of the consequences of having a U.S. president who uses his level of violent rhetoric.
If you’re a Republican reader questioning Trump’s authoritarianism, you’re in the same place I was nearly a year ago. When Fox News settled a $787 million lawsuit for spreading lies about the 2020 election, it became evident that many right-wing media outlets had led a party traditionally committed to limited government into supporting a man who openly flirts with authoritarian power. At times, I question whether I, too, am falling for a narrative exaggerated by the biased liberal media. But then I remember that 9/10 of the Republican presidential and vice-presidential candidates have refused to back Trump’s candidacy, 91 percent of his former cabinet members didn’t endorse his primary run, 43 percent refuse to endorse him over Kamala Harris, and even his former Vice President won’t stand behind him. If Trump’s own cabinet and mainstream Republicans were still supporting him, perhaps I would doubt my concerns. But they’re not. The few Republicans still backing Trump are those in office who need his endorsement to stay in power within their Trump-loving districts. If I’m wrong about Trump, I’m comfortable being wrong alongside George H. W. Bush, George W. Bush, John McCain, Mitt Romney, Mike Pence, Paul Ryan, Dan Quayle, Bob Dole, Jack Kemp, Dick Cheney, Liz Cheney, and Adam Kinzinger.
This fall, I will be voting for Kamala Harris, not because I agree with her policies, but because I believe she is the only option to protect our democracy from the threat of authoritarianism. I would love to vote for a sensible Republican, but I cannot support a vengeful authoritarian bent on destroying the system that makes our nation the best in the world.
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